Browse pro-government Hungarian TikTok profiles and you might encounter AI-fabricated images of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky on a gold toilet, handling cash, consuming cocaine, and commanding a Hungarian soldier. These channels also feature AI-created renditions of Péter Magyar, the Hungarian opposition leader, seemingly endorsing the transfer of Hungarian factories to foreign control, provided he governs. Further scrolling reveals depictions of conflict, brutality, and a SpongeBob-esque figure claiming Magyar uses him to “clean up cocaine after an accidental sneeze scattered it.”
Strikingly, content about Hungary itself is largely absent, a deliberate choice. While global political parties have recently deployed surreal, humorous, conspiratorial, or even casual beer-themed campaigns, Hungary’s 2026 parliamentary election is poised to be unique—potentially the world’s inaugural post-reality political contest.
The true situation for Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is unfavorable. Following a total of 19 years in power (16 consecutive plus an earlier three), Orbán has steered Hungary to become the EU’s most corrupt, among its poorest, and indisputably its least free nation. His party, Fidesz, now exerts control over most academic institutions, public administration, top judicial bodies, and, via a network of wealthy allies, nearly all media outlets and approximately 20% of the national economy, as per independent economists. Widespread apprehension regarding Fidesz informants has once again transformed Budapest into a place where political discussions occur in hushed tones.
Given this extensive influence, Fidesz, despite lagging significantly in most surveys, cannot avoid accountability for Hungary’s economic stagnation. Consequently, neither the party nor its leadership extensively addresses domestic issues like its declining industrial output or its dwindling population. Instead—with support from Russian propagandists, the European far-right, and now the Trump administration (more on this shortly)—the party is investing substantial resources in posters and social media content to achieve an alternative objective: instilling fear among Hungarians of potential sabotage, theft, or even a military incursion originating from… Ukraine.
This purported danger is completely baseless, indeed absurd. Ukrainians are already preoccupied and have no incentive to initiate another conflict in Hungary. Nevertheless, Orbán, his administration, his party, and numerous external actors are now concentrating on making this threat appear credible. It’s crucial to observe this trend, as it could foreshadow the future of political campaigns: various politicians from different nations are aggressively disseminating propaganda to cultivate dread of an adversary that is entirely fictitious.
This campaign is far from understated. Last week in Budapest, images of Orbán were conspicuously absent, while posters depicting Zelensky were everywhere. The Ukrainian president sometimes glares next to the tagline “Don’t let Zelensky have the last laugh.” Other times, Zelensky is shown with Magyar and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, accompanied by the message “They are the risk. Fidesz is the safe choice.” Peter Kreko, who directs a Budapest-based think tank, informed me that such a strategy is without precedent. In 2022, Orbán based his campaign on maintaining Hungary’s neutrality in the conflict. Now, he’s conveying to Hungarians, in Kreko’s words, that “we are under imminent threat of attack.”
Similar alarmist messages also reach Hungarians via their mobile devices. On TikTok, where new pro-Fidesz profiles emerge daily, AI-generated clips depict Magyar seemingly disparaging his own nation—“I remain silent because my superiors in Brussels have prohibited me from protecting the homeland”—or performing the Ukrainian national anthem. Another type of video portrays wartime brutality: a Hungarian girl weeping as her father, blindfolded and in Hungarian uniform, is executed, supposedly in Ukraine. Numerous videos also target Magyar with personal, sexual, and financial accusations, yet the narrative of an impending Ukrainian invasion remains central. At a Fidesz rally on March 15, a contingent at the head of the procession displayed a sign proclaiming We will not become a Ukrainian colony!
The rhetoric and visuals are further bolstered by Hungarian state actions, each meticulously crafted to strengthen Fidesz’s narrative. In February, Orbán deployed Hungarian troops to secure national oil and gas facilities, citing an unsubstantiated threat of Ukrainian attack. Subsequently, in March, Hungarian counterterrorism agencies intercepted two trucks belonging to a Ukrainian bank, which were making a standard cash transit from Vienna through Hungary. Seven bank employees were apprehended, with one reportedly losing consciousness after an injection of what might have been a truth serum. All were later freed due to a complete lack of evidence.
Despite this, the Hungarian government seized $82 million in gold and currency, which has not been reimbursed. The online platform Direkt36, one of the few remaining investigative journalism sources in Hungary, reported that Fidesz views this clumsy operation as a triumph: It prompted Zelensky to facetiously issue a threat against Orbán, thereby supplying the Hungarian leader with several more days of propaganda content.
Hungarian state bodies are not the sole entities aiming to manipulate public perception in Hungary. Despite Orbán’s frequent use of the term sovereignty, he effectively acts as Russia’s principal proxy in Europe. A Washington Post report last week revealed that Orbán’s foreign minister, Péter Szijjártó, routinely contacts his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, to provide updates after European Union gatherings and occasionally to request assistance. A 2020 call between them, detailed in a transcript released by a Hungarian journalist, shows Szijjártó requesting Lavrov to facilitate a Moscow meeting for a pro-Russian Slovak politician to aid his electoral campaign. This meeting subsequently occurred. Other European leaders ceased discussing security matters around Orbán some time ago, given his repeated vetoes of European sanctions against Russia and aid to Ukraine.
Fearing a potential loss of influence by a crucial asset, Russia dispatched a team of propagandists to Budapest to secure Orbán’s victory. The Financial Times has identified this influence operation as the Social Design Agency, a Kremlin-supported IT firm with a documented history. In 2023, during a period when the U.S. government still focused on exposing Russian disinformation, the State Department’s now-disbanded Global Engagement Center uncovered the agency’s involvement in establishing numerous ostensibly local pro-Russian websites in Latin America. In Budapest, their mission involved producing AI videos and utilizing their established network of online provocateurs and automated accounts for dissemination. A particular Russian network disseminated fabricated screenshots of the English-language Euronews website, attributing false quotes to Magyar. The Washington Post inquiry further disclosed that the Russians even contemplated staging a simulated assassination of Orbán to garner greater public sympathy for him. They termed this tactic “Gamechanger.”
Tisza, Magyar’s opposition party, anticipates further developments. Multiple sources close to Tisza informed me of concerns about a potential false-flag operation, possibly involving an explosion at a Hungarian pipeline or other energy facility. I also learned that Tisza has been bracing for a significant cyberattack on its internal communication systems and has established an analog backup as a precaution. This foresight proved wise last week, as the party’s membership records were indeed compromised, with members’ names and personal data appearing online. Now it appears even more prophetic: This week, Direkt36 released an report, partly sourced from a whistleblower, asserting that this was precisely the Hungarian government’s strategy. In response, the Hungarian government alleged links between some involved individuals and Ukrainian intelligence, and independently charged a Direkt36 journalist with espionage. The narrative remains complex and evolving.
In the not-too-distant past, the U.S. government would have vocally supported Hungary’s democratic procedures and likely attempted to diminish exaggerated assertions regarding hypothetical Ukrainian incursions. However, the Trump administration is actively working to magnify these claims. Despite its small size in Central Europe, Hungary holds a disproportionately significant place in the perceptions of the American and European far-right: MAGA and its global affiliates recognize that Hungary’s election, Europe’s most crucial this year, could signify a pivotal shift in the ideological conflict that has unsettled the democratic world over the last decade.
Orbán has actively participated in this ideological struggle, opposing liberal democracy and the rule of law while championing authoritarian populism and single-party governance. He emerged as an inspiration for other leaders seeking to reshape their democratic systems, aiming to manipulate regulations to perpetually maintain power. Kevin Roberts, president of the Heritage Foundation, once declared Orbán’s Hungary not merely “a model for modern statecraft, but the model.” Orbán also innovated a campaign style, spending years persuading Hungarians that existential dangers—from immigration, perceived moral decay, and the European Union—necessitated the sweeping institutional reforms that have sustained his party’s rule. Americans will recognize these strategies, subsequently adopted and modified by Trump and Vance.
Now, political figures who have long admired Orbán’s approach are convening to support him. In February, Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Budapest to publicly back Orbán, appearing even to proffer financial aid “if you encounter challenges that jeopardize your nation’s stability.” Vice President J. D. Vance is scheduled to travel to Budapest, likely post-Easter. President Trump himself made a video appearance at last Saturday’s CPAC gathering in Budapest, an organization formerly mainstream-conservative that now orchestrates impromptu rallies for the global radical right. In his address, Trump extended his “complete and total endorsement” to Orbán, who is Russia’s closest European ally.
Other European far-right leaders attended in person. Alice Weidel, leader of Germany’s far-right Alternative for Germany, delivered a speech criticizing the European Union for reportedly dispatching billions of euros to Ukraine, which she termed “the most corrupt regime on Earth.” This occurred despite her speaking within arguably the EU’s most corrupt state and her rhetoric mirroring that of Russia, which could genuinely be the most corrupt regime globally. She was succeeded by Santiago Abascal, head of the Spanish far-right, who proclaimed Orbán’s Hungary—a nation suppressed and economically depleted after years of sham populism—to be a “shining beam of light in the darkness.” Marine Le Pen from France, Karol Nawrocki of Poland, and Geert Wilders from the Netherlands also made appearances. Benjamin Netanyahu gave his endorsement via video. Even Javier Milei, Argentina’s libertarian president, journeyed from South America to praise Orbán, an individual who has cultivated one of Europe’s most centralized and oppressive societies.
In Budapest, Orbán’s rhetoric and strategies increasingly feel outdated. His familiar scare tactics are losing their efficacy, possibly due to reality beginning to prevail. There is no actual migrant influx endangering the Hungarian nation’s existence. Brussels poses no genuine threat to Hungarian well-being, unlike the dire condition of the country’s hospitals. And naturally, Ukraine is not planning an invasion, though Russia conceivably could. Hungary was indeed invaded within living memory—by tanks from Moscow, not Kyiv: In 1956, the Soviet army entered Budapest to suppress the anti-Communist Hungarian revolution.
In opposition to Orbán’s post-reality political strategy, Tisza has concentrated on developing a grassroots effort that engages real individuals in tangible communities. Magyar refrains from interviews, opting instead to deliver campaign addresses daily across numerous towns and villages, largely focusing on relatable issues such as the economy, healthcare, and corruption. He typically avoids the geopolitical subjects Orbán favors. However, at a significant rally in Budapest earlier this month, Magyar notably began chanting “Russians go home.”
That particular chant, coupled with its underlying historical significance, further elucidates Budapest’s intense atmosphere and the precariousness of Orbán’s post-reality campaign. For victory, Orbán must distort that profound national memory and replace it with apprehension toward Ukraine. This entails engaging in cognitive warfare on an unprecedented scale. Emotions run deep because the consequences are momentous. Should he triumph, he will again forge a path for others to emulate. Conversely, if he fails, an epoch will conclude.